These institutional provisions, established in these three areas of action, are defined in the agreement as „interdependent and interdependent“. In particular, it is found that the functioning of the Northern Ireland Assembly and the North-South Council of Ministers is „so closely linked that the success of individual countries depends on that of the other“ and that participation in the North-South Council of Ministers „is one of the essential tasks assigned to the relevant bodies in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland]. The „backstop“ of Theresa May`s withdrawal deal should tackle it – and stipulates that if no future EU-UK trade deal could be reached, the rules and rules would remain as they are. This was rejected by Brexit supporters as a „trap“ to keep the UK in the EU customs union, which would prevent Britain from concluding its own independent trade deals. 5 For all those who attempt to describe the Irish border as it is today, the exercise is very similar to the description of each European internal border. The Irish border sees and operates like any normal intra-European border through which goods, services, capital and population movements pass.2 Unlike other European borders, the current situation on the island of Ireland is not the only result of London and Dublin`s accession to the EEC/EU since 1973. It is first of all the result of a political compromise between the two Irish communities and between the two sovereign states anchored in the PMB. Until the 1998 peace settlement and even though the two sovereign states were members of the EEC/EU, the Irish border had remained very within other European borders. It became heavily policeted and militarized. The number of routes across the border was limited and hindered the international transport of people and cross-border exchanges of goods, services and capital3 In the context of political violence during the unrest, the agreement called on participants to establish „exclusively democratic and peaceful means of resolving political disputes“. Two aspects were taken into account: as part of the agreement, the British and Irish governments committed to holding referendums in Northern Ireland and the Republic on 22 May 1998. The referendum on Northern Ireland is expected to approve the deal reached at the multi-party talks.
The Republic of Ireland`s referendum should approve the Anglo-Irish agreement and facilitate the modification of the Irish constitution in accordance with the agreement. Europe will demand the abolition of the DUP veto and just about the backstop station of the customs union. But even if the Johnson government finally admits everything, the result would be a terrible deal for the UK. And as the proposal is currently underway, it fundamentally undermines the Good Friday agreement. He also said he hoped power-sharing could be restored in Northern Ireland, but he knew at the time of the agreement that there would be problems to be solved in the future. The vague wording of some so-called „constructive ambiguities“[8] helped ensure the adoption of the agreement and delayed debate on some of the most controversial issues. These include extra-military dismantling, police reform and the standardisation of Northern Ireland.